Editing Beltrán 2010 (section)

==Chapter 2: The Incomplete and Agnostic “We”==
====Introduction ====
*Centers on the political assumptions surrounding the Latino movement 
*Movements spoken in Chapter 1 showcase the desire for Democracy to be a form of political participation in which [the people] are included 
*Author claims that the there is an Ethos surrounding America’s democracy mentioning how the country has failed to serve all its people equally 
*The Latino movement has a disturbing unwillingness to accept distinction among its members given the groups emphasis on promoting unity among the most populoried traits ( often white, straight, cis, etc).   
   “Those who challenged norms and traditions became culturally and politically suspect” (Pg. 02)
*Chicana feminists: feminists were vilified and lesbians silence in the name of 'familia'
*Marginalized communities Not as carriers of difference
*3 sections in the chapter 
**Criticisms of community, unity, and homogeneity 
**Democratic resources of third world feminism 
**Democratic and political openness and closure

====The Ideal of Community and the Politics of Difference====
*Main Idea: The idealistic concept of community represses the ability to differentiate socially given its desire to group subjects together. When in action, this serves to exclude those within the group that do not fully identify with the other members. 
**Unity is a desire for "security, symmetry, and social wholeness."
*Author claims that in order to decenter Democratic participation from the exclusion of those different from the group, political discourse like rhetoric, political art, and protests should be conducted.
*Face to face participatory practices disempower segments of political community via a failure to meditate though the "speech and actions of others" (Pg. 59) 
**Local participation, however, may be faulty due to plausible misunderstandings that arise out of imbalances in power, privilege, ability, and knowledge.
*Author Young defines 'Justice' as the "elimination of domination and oppression" (Pg. 59) 
**Young calls for representation for disadvantaged groups and believes that social groups are a typeof constituency that needs formal representation although may not hold the same ideologies. 

  "Belonging without dissolving into commonness" (Pg.60)

====Homogenizing Multiplicity: Social Groups, intersectionality, and the Limits of Difference====
*Main idea: Feminism and the danger of homogeneity conceptual communities.  
*"Feminists of color use language and communication to construct a new experience of belonging" (Pg. 62)
*Holding onto the distinct parts of one's identity creates a realization that they will never be like others in their community  (Pg. 62). 
*Chela Sandoval introduces the idea of oppositional consciousness.
**Sandoval states that there is, however, a lack of unity among feminists of color given the difference among them.
***The wish for a "unifies Third World Feminist Movement" reflects a lining for immediacy and harmony...consensus and mutual understanding"
*Concept of home
**According to Bernice, 'home' is a refuge and space of sameness, unlike coalitions which are a space of survival and struggle. 
**Author partially disagrees with Berniece claiming that enforced homogeneity, otherwise referred to as "the barred room," can be destructive because they maintain myths where "communities that equate samness with sustenance and solace" (Pg. 65)
**Author does, however agree with the idea that agnostic feminism challenges the idea that women share a common experience due to the fact that they are women.

*Coalition versus home 
**Feminist activist Bernice Johnson Reagon make the distinction 
***Home serves as a place of refuge and sameness
***Coalitions work as unsafe spaces that are understood as spaces of survival 
**Third World feminist movement functions as a coalition, in which groups come together out of necessity. 
***It is uncomfortable and burdensome for heterogeneous groups of women to come together, especially when feminists of color have to represent themselves in white environments. 
*Democratic Dilemma 
**Latines in the United States are diverse by region and subgroup, but majorities exist within the group that hold global capital and state power
**Moves to combine Sheldon Wolin’s idea of “fugitive democracy” and Alan Keenan’s writings on democratic openness to categorize “Latino” as a political category 
The Impulse to Closure: Democratic Uncertainties and Fugitive Moments 
*Definition of democracy argued by Sheldon Wolin:
**“Project concerned with political potentialities of ordinary citizens…”
**“Collective power is used to promote or protect the wellbeing of the collectivity”
**“Fugitive” - a “moment” rather than a form of government 
**Individuals can contest forms of unequal power and create “new cultural patterns of commonality”
*Kennan;s understanding of democracy 
**Sustainable notion of democratic politics capable of contending with tensions 
**Holds a promise of radical openness but involves exclusions to institutionalize a certain vision of the people 
***Critique 
****Author writes that Keenan’s emphasis on the ongoingness of democracy ignores how there is a strong, persistent tension occurring within democracy’s incompleteness 
*Latinidad 
**Chicano and Puerto Rican movements creating new forms of commonality 
Mexican Americans became Chicanos 
**Young Lords calling for the liberation of Puerto Ricans, which produced new frames of collectivity 
**Both movements recognize das moments of democratic expansion 
Conclusion: Fugitive Latinidad 
*Keenan: democracy is pulled between “politics and the politics, between the deliberative and the nondeliberative, between openness and closure”
**Example: the Chicano and Puerto Rican movements 
*Latino politics can be understood as a history of democratic moments and their result 
*The concept of Latinidad is itself fugitive as excluded subjects began to understand themselves as political actors. 
*Latinidad as “evanescent homogeneity”, in which commonality is possible but not guaranteed
**Latinidad is an ongoing argument, rather than a fixed object, and subject to permanent political contestation
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