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==Abstract== | ==Abstract== | ||
Race | Race has become a complex and conflicting thing for many people. The many aspects of race make it difficult for someone to just identify with one. Things like self-identification and identification from other people (who pick up on racial aspects) make it just one race. Race is socially constructed, the structure of race is maintained by micro-interactions that maintain a cognitive structure in race (1311). | ||
== Mapping the Multiple Dimensions == | == Mapping the Multiple Dimensions == | ||
(See figure 1) Graph depicting typology of race dimensions with terminology used to describe said terminology. Non-exhaustive and more descriptive of scholars' race components they have studied. All of the components are fluid and may change | (See figure 1) Graph depicting typology of race dimensions with terminology used to describe said terminology. Non-exhaustive and more descriptive of scholars' race components they have studied. All of the components are fluid and over time may change as well as be influenced by contextual factors within society. | ||
The fluidity within racial identity is conceptually different from the others in the graph. | The fluidity within racial identity is conceptually different from the others in the graph. | ||
Self-identification is measured with open ended self identification questions. | |||
Racial self | Racial self classification tends to be the method used for race questions on the national census, this leads to people having a “census race” that may diminish people's experiences to one that fits into the already established boxes. The complexities of that person's race and experiences with race is simplified and not looked at with all of its complexities (1314). | ||
Observed race | Observed race dimensions could be complicated by the two previously mentioned aspects, appearance and others perceptions could complicate someone's relationship with their race. | ||
An example of this can be observed with someone latino being confused as white. The two previous observed aspects mentioned help in further profiling what someone may constitute as. | |||
Observed skin color like observed race is influenced by the person doing the perceiving. Black and white interviewers saw more color variation within their own race than in others. | |||
Racial ancestry is | Racial ancestry is often unknown, what most people consider their racial ancestry would be the known ancestry, it does not make sense to study these ancestries in the census as with race in general it is really easy to simplify and reduce racial experiences to something that fits within a box (1319). | ||
==Major Themes in the Literature: Inconsistencies Across Dimensions== | ==Major Themes in the Literature: Inconsistencies Across Dimensions== | ||
There are major inconsistencies between race and its associated factors, self | There are major inconsistencies between race and its associated factors, self classification and observed race (external observations) . We see this manifests in various forms such as through medical records, interviewer classifications, and death certificates (1320). | ||
It is hard to know if the interviewer or health administrator is recording observed race based on appearance or on interaction as well. | It is hard to know if the interviewer or health administrator is recording observed race based on appearance or on interaction as well. | ||
In addition | In addition observers also rely on contextual cues and racial classification norms when guessing the race of others (1322). | ||
'''Consequences of inconsistencies''': increases stress and leads to negative mental health outcomes by invalidating a person's self image and identity (1322). | |||
'''Consequences of inconsistencies''': | |||
==The Relationship Between Dimensions== | ==The Relationship Between Dimensions== | ||
The different dimensions of race influence each other, such as how ''reflected race'' influences racial identity (1323). Those who observe race through skin, mainly skin color, tend to view race as White, Black, and Latino as an in-between but its own distinct category. | The different dimensions of race influence each other, such as how ''reflected race'' influences racial identity (1323). Those who observe race through skin, mainly skin color, tend to view race as White, Black, and Latino as an in-between but its own distinct category. ''Genetic Ancestry'' is only observed to have a moderate impact on racial identity below other dimensions (1324). | ||
==Different Dimensions, Different Outcomes== | ==Different Dimensions, Different Outcomes== | ||
Different measures of different dimensions of race influence findings on inequality, although it is not always clear which measures reveal the greatest racial disparities in outcomes. | Different measures of different dimensions of race influence findings on inequality, although it is not always clear which measures reveal the greatest racial disparities in outcomes. | ||
'''Health outcomes:''' There are different outcomes from using observed race vs self-identification. Also, there are limitations for multicultural/multiracial patients who are forced to choose one race. We might expect observed race to more closely mirror experiences of discrimination in service provision. Yet what little evidence exists is mixed (1325) | '''Health outcomes:''' There are different outcomes from using observed race vs self-identification. Also, there are limitations for multicultural/multiracial patients who are forced to choose one race. We might expect observed race to more closely mirror experiences of discrimination in service provision. Yet what little evidence exists is mixed (1325). | ||
'''Criminal Justice:''' Outcomes and potential discrimination are skewed towards ''observed race'' as more influential than ''self-classification''. Being observed as Black led to more arrests even if they did not self-identify as Black. | '''Criminal Justice:''' Outcomes and potential discrimination are skewed towards ''observed race'' as more influential than ''self-classification''. Being observed as Black led to more arrests even if they did not self-identify as Black. | ||
'''Socio-economic:''' ''Self-classification'' revealed greater race gaps in family income than ''observed race''. Being seen as White by others was associated with higher family income than self-identifying as White. In Brazil, using observed race, Whites earned 26 per cent more than Browns, but only 17 per cent more than Browns using self-classification (1325). Showing that observed race yielded more inequality. | '''Socio-economic:''' ''Self-classification'' revealed greater race gaps in family income than ''observed race''. Being seen as White by others was associated with higher family income than self-identifying as White. In Brazil, using observed race, Whites earned 26 per cent more than Browns, but only 17 per cent more than Browns using self-classification (1325). Showing that observed race yielded more inequality. |