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(See figure 1) Graph depicting typology of race dimensions with terminology used to describe said terminology. Non-exhaustive and more descriptive of scholars' race components they have studied. All of the components are fluid and may change across time as well as be influenced by contextual factors within society.
(See figure 1) Graph depicting typology of race dimensions with terminology used to describe said terminology. Non-exhaustive and more descriptive of scholars' race components they have studied. All of the components are fluid and may change across time as well as be influenced by contextual factors within society.
The fluidity within racial identity is conceptually different from the others in the graph.  
The fluidity within racial identity is conceptually different from the others in the graph.  
The first dimension is racial identity, which is how one identifies themself, unrestricted by pre-set options. It is typically measured with open-ended self identification questions. This dimension can be used to study political mobilization or social networks.
The first dimension is racial identity, which is how one identifies themself, unrestricted by pre-set options. It is typically measured with open ended self identification questions. This dimension can be used to study political mobilization or social networks.
Racial self-classification is the race one identifies as on official documents and it is limited to a set of pre-set options. This includes the national census or federal financial aid documents. While it fails at capturing the nuances of one's race and forces people who don't feel adequately represented by the pre-set options to adopt a "census race," it is helpful for data analysis purposes. It aids in studying demographic change, disease and illness rates, etc. (1314).
Racial self-classification is the race one identifies as on official documents and it is limited a set of pre-set options. This includes the national census or federal financial aid documents. While it fails at capturing the nuances of one's race and forces people who don't feel adequately represented by the pre-set options to adopt a "census race," it is helpful for data analysis purposes. It aids in studying demographic change, disease and illness rates, etc. (1314).
Observed race is the race that others think you are. The context of the observation impacts what race others think you are. For example, one's attire can influence what race others believe them to be. Observed race can be both appearance-based, meaning people form beliefs about one's race based on readily-observable characteristics, and interaction-based, meaning people form beliefs about one's race based on interactions (for example, one's language, accent, family name, etc.). Observed skin color is influenced by the person doing the perceiving. Black and white interviewers saw more color variation within their own race than in others. Observed race is a useful tool to study discrimination, residential segregation, criminal justice indicators, healthcare/service provisions, etc.
Observed race is the race that others think you are. The context of the observation impacts what race others think you are. For example, one's attire can influence what race others believe them to be. Observed race can be both appearance-based, meaning people form beliefs about one's race based on readily-observable characteristics, and interaction-based, meaning people form beliefs about one's race based on interactions (for example, one's language, accent, family name, etc.). Observed skin color is influenced by the person doing the perceiving. Black and white interviewers saw more color variation within their own race than in others. Observed race is a useful tool to study discrimination, residential segregation, criminal justice indicators, healthcare/service provisions, etc.
Reflected race is the race that you believe others think that you are. It can be used to examine self-identification processes and perceived discrimination.
Reflected race is the race that you believe others think that you are. It can be used to examine self-identification processes and perceived discrimination.
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==Major Themes in the Literature: Inconsistencies Across Dimensions==
==Major Themes in the Literature: Inconsistencies Across Dimensions==
There are major inconsistencies between race and its associated factors, self-classification and observed race (external observations). We see this manifest in various forms, such as medical records, interviewer classifications, and death certificates (1320).
There are major inconsistencies between race and its associated factors, self classification and observed race (external observations) . We see this manifests in various forms such as through medical records, interviewer classifications, and death certificates (1320).
It is hard to know if the interviewer or health administrator is recording observed race based on appearance or on interaction as well.
It is hard to know if the interviewer or health administrator is recording observed race based on appearance or on interaction as well.
In addition, observers also rely on contextual cues, racial stereotypes, and racial classification norms when guessing the race of others (1322). For example, medical examiners were more likely to identify someone as Native American who had died from cirrhosis and were more likely to identify someone as Black who had died from homicide.
In addition observers also rely on contextual cues and racial classification norms when guessing the race of others (1322).
Studies have shown that greater interaction leads to greater consistency between self-reported race and observed race.
'''Consequences of inconsistencies''': increases stress and leads to negative mental health outcomes by invalidating a person's self image and identity (1322).
'''Consequences of inconsistencies''': Being perceived differently from one's self-classification increases stress and leads to negative mental health outcomes by invalidating a person's self-image and identity, threatening social status, or de-legitimizing claims for membership in one's community. Campbell and Troyer (2007) examine psychological distress among those who classify themselves as Native American but are perceived as another race by an observer. Stepanikova (2010) shows that people who believe they are perceived as a lower status race than the one they identify as are more likely to report physical or emotional symptoms of how they were treated as a result of their race (1322).


==The Relationship Between Dimensions==
==The Relationship Between Dimensions==
The different dimensions of race influence each other, such as how ''reflected race'' influences racial identity (1323). Those who observe race through skin, mainly skin color, tend to view race as White, Black, and Latino as an in-between but its own distinct category. Despite the common belief that people see scientific or genetic information as unbiased and factual, ''Genetic Ancestry'' is only observed to have a moderate impact on racial identity below other dimensions (1324).  
The different dimensions of race influence each other, such as how ''reflected race'' influences racial identity (1323). Those who observe race through skin, mainly skin color, tend to view race as White, Black, and Latino as an in-between but its own distinct category. ''Genetic Ancestry'' is only observed to have a moderate impact on racial identity below other dimensions (1324).  
==Different Dimensions, Different Outcomes==
==Different Dimensions, Different Outcomes==
Different measures of different dimensions of race influence findings on inequality, although it is not always clear which measures reveal the greatest racial disparities in outcomes.  
Different measures of different dimensions of race influence findings on inequality, although it is not always clear which measures reveal the greatest racial disparities in outcomes.  
'''Health outcomes:''' There are different outcomes from using observed race vs self-identification. Also, there are limitations for multicultural/multiracial patients who are forced to choose one race. We might expect observed race to more closely mirror experiences of discrimination in service provision. Yet what little evidence exists is mixed (1325). Using observed race instead of the race one classifies themself as can decrease the rates at which health problems are reported for Native Americans because many health providers classify them as white.
'''Health outcomes:''' There are different outcomes from using observed race vs self-identification. Also, there are limitations for multicultural/multiracial patients who are forced to choose one race. We might expect observed race to more closely mirror experiences of discrimination in service provision. Yet what little evidence exists is mixed (1325).
'''Criminal Justice:''' Outcomes and potential discrimination are skewed towards ''observed race'' as more influential than ''self-classification''. Being observed as Black led to more arrests even if they did not self-identify as Black.
'''Criminal Justice:''' Outcomes and potential discrimination are skewed towards ''observed race'' as more influential than ''self-classification''. Being observed as Black led to more arrests even if they did not self-identify as Black.
'''Socio-economic:''' ''Self-classification'' revealed greater race gaps in family income than ''observed race''. Being seen as White by others was associated with higher family income than self-identifying as White. In Brazil, using observed race, Whites earned 26 per cent more than Browns, but only 17 per cent more than Browns using self-classification (1325). Showing that observed race yielded more inequality.  
'''Socio-economic:''' ''Self-classification'' revealed greater race gaps in family income than ''observed race''. Being seen as White by others was associated with higher family income than self-identifying as White. In Brazil, using observed race, Whites earned 26 per cent more than Browns, but only 17 per cent more than Browns using self-classification (1325). Showing that observed race yielded more inequality.  
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