Roth 2016

Abstract

Race has become a complex and conflicting thing for many people. The many aspects of race make it difficult for someone to just identify with one. Things like self-identification and identification from other people (who pick up on racial aspects) make it just one race. Race is socially constructed, the structure of race is maintained by micro-interactions that maintain a cognitive structure in race (1311).

Mapping the Multiple Dimensions

(See figure 1) Graph depicting typology of race dimensions with terminology used to describe said terminology. Non-exhaustive and more descriptive of scholars' race components they have studied. All of the components are fluid and over time may change as well as be influenced by contextual factors within society. The fluidity within racial identity is conceptually different from the others in the graph. Self-identification is measured with open ended self identification questions. Racial self classification tends to be the method used for race questions on the national census, this leads to people having a “census race” that may diminish people's experiences to one that fits into the already established boxes. The complexities of that person's race and experiences with race is simplified and not looked at with all of its complexities (1314). Observed race dimensions could be complicated by the two previously mentioned aspects, appearance and others perceptions could complicate someone's relationship with their race. An example of this can be observed with someone latino being confused as white. The two previous observed aspects mentioned help in further profiling what someone may constitute as. Observed skin color like observed race is influenced by the person doing the perceiving. Black and white interviewers saw more color variation within their own race than in others. Racial ancestry is often unknown, what most people consider their racial ancestry would be the known ancestry, it does not make sense to study these ancestries in the census as with race in general it is really easy to simplify and reduce racial experiences to something that fits within a box (1319).

Major Themes in the Literature: Inconsistencies Across Dimensions

There are major inconsistencies between race and its associated factors, self classification and observed race (external observations) . We see this manifests in various forms such as through medical records, interviewer classifications, and death certificates (1320). It is hard to know if the interviewer or health administrator is recording observed race based on appearance or on interaction as well. In addition observers also rely on contextual cues and racial classification norms when guessing the race of others (1322). Consequences of inconsistencies: increases stress and leads to negative mental health outcomes by invalidating a person's self image and identity (1322).

The Relationship Between Dimensions

The different dimensions of race influence each other, such as how reflected race influences racial identity (1323). Those who observe race through skin, mainly skin color, tend to view race as White, Black, and Latino as an in-between but its own distinct category. Genetic Ancestry is only observed to have a moderate impact on racial identity below other dimensions (1324).

Different Dimensions, Different Outcomes

Different measures of different dimensions of race influence findings on inequality, although it is not always clear which measures reveal the greatest racial disparities in outcomes. Health outcomes: There are different outcomes from using observed race vs self-identification. Also, there are limitations for multicultural/multiracial patients who are forced to choose one race. We might expect observed race to more closely mirror experiences of discrimination in service provision. Yet what little evidence exists is mixed (1325). Criminal Justice: Outcomes and potential discrimination are skewed towards observed race as more influential than self-classification. Being observed as Black led to more arrests even if they did not self-identify as Black. Socio-economic: Self-classification revealed greater race gaps in family income than observed race. Being seen as White by others was associated with higher family income than self-identifying as White. In Brazil, using observed race, Whites earned 26 per cent more than Browns, but only 17 per cent more than Browns using self-classification (1325). Showing that observed race yielded more inequality.

Other Literatures that Capture Multidimensionality

Literature on colorism or phenotype inequalities and discrimination can serve as an example. It looks at the variation of experience within categories as well as between them. Like colorism, race is very complex, hard to identify sources of racialized outcomes, and requires more than just one monolithic label (1327).

Genetic admixture studies in population genetics and health research is also a good example of multidimensionality. This is done by testing geographically isolated populations and then using computer estimation to identify genetic variants that differ across populations being analysed. This type of analysis relies on existing social understandings of what these populations are to identify the genetic markers that differ most between them. Genetic measures of ancestry, are not objectively natural but rather are affected by other dimensions of race. For health implications the vast majority of racial health disparities are explained by environmental rather than genetic causes (1328).

Situating and Advancing the Multidimensionality of Race

Racial fluidity is the fluctuation in one dimension of race as opposed to inconsistency across different dimensions. Used to understand temporal fluidity: changes over time within the same context, and contextual fluidity: changes across contexts within a fairly limited period of time. Temporal Fluidity ex. how people view their race as they age. Contextual Fluidity ex. A child being asked what race they are at school versus being asked at home.

SEE FIGURE 2 IN READINGS

Race is inconsistent, the multiple dimensions of race and on racial fluidity both point to micro-level social processes. Changes to the Racial boundary within the circle happen at both the mirco and macro scales. The micro-level is where we observe when we measure racial fluidity or an inconsistency between racial identity and observed race.

Macro-level boundary change is arguably most related to observed race – how people are classified by others, and particularly by the most privileged groups. Ex. the White racial boundary as having expanded for the Irish or Italians.

Key Terms

Racial Identity: refers to a person’s subjective self identification, it is not limited by predetermined options, and it is not represented by a person's efforts to fit themselves into any given set of boxes. (1313)

Racial Self-Classification: refers to the race that is checked on an official form or survey such as a census or federal financial aid forms. It is typically measured with a close-ended self identification question.

Observed Race: the race that others believe you to be. Outside perspective of an individual. In lived experience, observed race is repeatedly assessed in daily life. There are two subtypes

Appearance-Based Observed Race: based on solely readily observable characteristics. Ie. person’s phenotype, visible status markers, clothing, hairstyle, etc…

Interaction-Based Observed Race: shaped by information revealed through interaction, including a person's accent or language ability, name, knowledge, etc… (1315)

Phenotype: refers to aspects of a person's physical appearance that are socially understood as relevant to racial classification ie, skin color, nose shape, lip shape, eye color, etc…

Racial Ancestry: a dimension of race that influences other dimensions, such as racial identity and observed race.

Known Ancestry: what a person believes her racial ancestry to be based on family history.